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Imagine this scenario: You have been hired by the National Center for Victims of Crime to prepare an Executive Summary on the many impacts of crime victimization. The Executive Summary will be distributed to every state’s office of victim services to inform their planning for victim’s services. Perform research the Internet to find three scholarly resources that focus on crime and victimization, specifically statistics of major crimes. Visit the National Center for Victims of Crime website listed in this module’s Learning Resources. Using theBasics Executive Summaries” as a guide, write a Executive Summary in which you complete the following: Meets Expectations Identify direct impacts of crime on victims and their families. 24 (24%) – 30 (30%) An overview of crime and victimization in the United States is provided and includes current statistics for at least three major crimes (UCR Part I Crimes). A description of three direct impacts of crime on victims and their families is provided and includes whether the impacts are short or long-term impacts Evaluate crimes with high and low reporting rates. 16 (16%) – 20 (20%) An explanation is included regarding which crimes have higher reporting rates and which crimes have lower reporting rates Identify methods for improving reporting rates for underreported crimes. 24 (24%) – 30 (30%) Methods are identified for improving rates of reporting for underreported crimes. An explanation of how using statistics and improving reporting rates can lead to social change is included. The overall Executive Summary is supported with at least three scholarly resources (textbooks, peer-reviewed journals, and government publications). The overall paper meets the 5- to 6-page minimum, not including the title or reference pag Engaging Multiple Social and Cultural Perspectives: Apply strategies to develop intellectual flexibility and broad knowledge that enables perception of the world through the perspectives of diverse social and cultural perspectives. LO1: Recognize the value of one’s own and others’ social and cultural perspectives. LO2: Recognize how knowledge from different cultural and social perspectives might affect interpretations of issues in society. LO3: Evaluate the source of one’s own perspectives on selected issues in culture and society. LO4: Evaluate competing social and cultural perspectives on specific problems in order to arrive at a solution 8 (8%) – 10 (10%) Response demonstrates a clear understanding of the value of one’s own and others’ social and cultural perspectives. Response demonstrates a clear understanding of how different cultural and social perspectives might affect interpretations of issues. Response provides a thorough evaluation of the source of one’s own perspectives on selected issues in culture and society. Response provides a thorough evaluation of differing perspectives and is able to make a judgment regarding viable solutions Written Communication: Write with clarity, coherence, and purpose. LO1: Develop clear introduction statements. (AWE 3; essay-level skills) LO2: Use transitions to connect ideas. (AWE 3; essay-level skills) LO3: Use appropriate tone and vocabulary for a given audience. (AWE 3; awareness of audience and discipline) LO4: Apply APA formatting and style guidelines. (AWE 3; awareness of audience and discipline and credit to source 8 (8%) – 10 (10%) Introduction statement is well-defined and clearly describes the topic and focus of the response. Writing conveys a cohesive idea through the effective use of transitions. Vocabulary and tone communicate key concepts that are appropriate for the audience. Writing uses in-text citations appropriately, includes references when applicable, and is formatted according to APA Style. Minor errors in APA Style do not impede understanding or violate standards for academic integrity Chapter 3 Consequences of Victimization Let us revisit Polly, the young woman whose victimization was described in Chapter 2. When we left her, Polly was on her way back home after leaving a bar alone at night, and she was robbed and assaulted by two men. But Polly’s story does not end there, and although the incident itself ended, Polly dealt with it for quite some time. Polly made it home safely; she entered her apartment, locked her door, and started to cry. She felt scared and alone, and her head was hurting. She told one of her roommates, who was home when she returned, what happened. Her roommate, Rachel, told her she should call the police and have someone look at her head. Polly was hesitant—after all, she did not know what to expect—but she really wanted to make sure that the men were caught, so she called the police and told the dispatcher what had occurred. The police and emergency personnel arrived. She was taken to the hospital for her head injury and was released after receiving 10 stitches. Before she could go home, though, the police wanted to take her statement. They questioned her for more than an hour, asking minute details about what happened and about the offenders. They also asked her why she was walking home alone at night. The police officers left her with assurances that they would do everything they could to identify her attackers. The days passed, and Polly had a hard time forgetting about the men and what had transpired. She was having a hard time getting out of bed. In fact, she missed several days of class. She found herself avoiding going out alone at night. She felt as though her life had taken an unexpected, unwanted, and frightening turn—one that she was worried would forever alter her life. Polly’s concerns, like others’, were most likely not unfounded. Physical Injury Clearly, when people suffer personal victimizations, they are at risk of physical injury. These injuries can include bruises, soreness, scratches, cuts, broken bones, contracted diseases, and stab or gunshot wounds. Some of these injuries may be temporary and short-lived, whereas others can be long-lasting or permanent. According to data from the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) in 2008, 21% of assault victims sustained physical injuries. Those who experienced robbery were more likely to be injured; 37% of robbery victims suffered physical injury. A larger percentage of female victims were injured than male victims, although the differences were not large. For example, 24% of female assault victims compared with 19% of male assault victims reported being injured (Bureau of Justice Statistics [BJS], 2011). There appears to be a difference in injury for racial groups as well. For both assault and robbery, injuries were present in a larger percentage of Black victims than White victims (BJS, 2011). The victim–offender relationship was also related to injury—incidents perpetrated by nonstrangers were more likely to result in injury than those perpetrated by strangers (27% for assault and 39% for robbery) (BJS, 2011). In addition, the most recent provisional National Health Service (NHS) data available on assault admissions to hospitals in England show that, for the 12 months ending April 2015, there were 28,992 hospital admissions for assault (Office for National Statistics, 2015) The most serious physical injury is, of course, death. Although the NCVS does not measure murder—remember, it asks people about their victimization experiences—the Uniform Crime Reports (UCRs) can be used to find out the extent to which deaths are attributable to murder and nonnegligent manslaughter. In 2015, UCR figures showed that 15,696 murders were brought to the attention of the police (FBI, 2015f). The majority of murder victims were male (79%) (FBI, 2015g). Just more than half of murder victims were Black and 44% were White (FBI, 2015h), and 21% were murdered by an acquaintance (FBI, 2015i). Almost three-fourths of the homicides that involved a weapon were gun related (FBI, 2015j). The most common circumstance surrounding a murder is an argument—23% of the homicides for which the circumstances were known resulted from an argument (FBI, 2015k). Mental Health Consequences and Costs People differentially respond to trauma, including victimization. Some people may cope by internalizing their feelings and emotions, whereas others may experience externalizing responses. It is likely that the way people deal with victimization is tied to their biological makeup, their interactional style, their coping style and resources, and the context in which the incident occurs and in which they operate thereafter. Some of the responses can be quite serious and long- term, whereas others may be more transitory. Three affective responses that are common among crime victims are depression, reductions in self-esteem, and anxiety. The way in which depression manifests itself varies greatly across individuals. It can include symptoms such as sleep disturbances, changes in eating habits, feelings of guilt and worthlessness, and irritability. Generally, depressed persons will experience a decline in interest in activities they once enjoyed, a depressed mood, or both. For youth, depression is a common outcome for those who are victimized by peers, such as in bullying (Sweeting, Young, West, & Der, 2006). With the advent of technology and the widespread use of the Internet, recent research has explored online victimization and its effects. Online victimization is related to depressive responses in victims (Tynes & Giang, 2009). Victimization may be powerful enough to alter the way in which a crime victim views himself or herself. Self-esteem and self-worth both have been found to be reduced in some crime victims, particularly female victims. In one study of youths in Virginia, Amie Grills and Thomas Ollendick (2002) found that, for girls, being victimized by peers was associated with a reduction in global self-worth and that their self-worth was related to elevated levels of anxiety. There may also be a difference in crime’s impact on self-appraisals based on the type of victimization experienced. For example, victims of childhood sexual abuse are likely to suffer long-term negative impacts to their self-esteem (Beitchman et al., 1992). Sexual victimization also has been linked to reductions in self-esteem (Turner, Finkelhor, & Ormrod, 2010). Beyond victimization of females, research has also found that victimization among older Americans (those 50 years of age and older) is also related to reductions in self-esteem and self-efficacy for African Americans (DeLisi, Jones-Johnson, Johnson, & Hochstetler, 2014). Anxiety is another consequence linked to victimization. Persons who suffer from anxiety are likely to experience a range of emotional and physical symptoms. Much like depression, however, anxiety affects people differently. Most notably, anxiety is often experienced as irrational and excessive fear and worry, which may be coupled with feelings of tension and restlessness, vigilance, irritability, and difficulty concentrating. In addition, because anxiety is a product of the body’s fight-or-flight response, it also has physical symptoms. These include a racing and pounding heart, sweating, stomach upset, headaches, difficulty sleeping and breathing, tremors, and muscle tension (Dryden-Edwards, 2007). Although anxiety that crime victims experience may not escalate to a point where they are diagnosed with an anxiety disorder by a mental health clinician, victimization does appear to be linked to anxiety symptoms. For example, adolescents who experience victimization by their peers experience anxiety at higher levels than nonvictimized adolescents (Storch, Brassard, & Masia-Warner, 2003). The relationship between anxiety and victimization is likely complex in that victimization can lead to anxiety, but anxiety and distress are also precursors to victimization (R. S. Siegel, La Greca, & Harrison, 2009). Some victims do experience mental health consequences tied to anxiety that lead to mental health diagnoses. Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder One of the recognized disorders associated with a patterned response to trauma, such as victimization, is post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Commonly associated with individuals returning from war and combat, PTSD is a psychiatric condition that recently has been recognized as a possible consequence of other traumatic events, such as criminal victimization. Currently classified by the American Psychiatric Association in the DSM-V as an anxiety disorder, PTSD is diagnosed based on several criteria outlined in detail in Table 3.1. A person must have experienced or witnessed a traumatic event that involved actual or threatened death or serious injury to oneself or others, or threat to the physical integrity of oneself or others. The person must have experienced fear, helplessness, or horror in response to the event and then reexperienced the trauma over time via flashbacks, nightmares, images, and/or reliving the event. The person must avoid stimuli associated with the traumatic event and may experience numbness of response, such as lack of affect and reduced interest in activities. Finally, PTSD is characterized by hyperarousal. Focus on Research Research on the physical and mental health consequences of victimization has established that victimization can have short- and long-term effects. Leana Bouffard and Maria Koeppel (2014) recently discovered that experiencing repeated bullying in childhood before the age of 12 is linked to poor outcomes in early adulthood. They found that when respondents were between the ages of 18 and 23, those who experienced this specific type of victimization experienced worse negative mental health, were more likely to be homeless during the previous 5 years, and to have poor or fair physical health. What do these findings mean for policy? Given these findings, what should teachers, health care professionals, or others who interact with children do for those who experience bullying? Source: Bouffard, L. A., & Koeppel, M. D. H. (2014). Understanding the potential longterm physical and mental health consequences of early experiences of victimization. Justice Quarterly, 31, 568–587. 1 of 7 3/20/18, 9:46 AM https://jigsaw.vitalsource.com/api/v0/books/9781506388502/print?f… Source: Reprinted with permission from The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition, Text Revision. Copyright © 2013. American Psychiatric Association. All rights reserved. In order for PTSD to be diagnosed, symptoms must be experienced for more than 1 month and must cause clinically significant distress or impairment in social, occupational, or other functional areas (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). As you may imagine, PTSD can be debilitating and can impact a victim’s ability to heal, move on, and thrive after being victimized. About 8% of Americans will experience PTSD, although women are more likely than men to experience this disorder (Kessler, Sonnega, Bromet, Hughes, & Nelson, 1995). The traumatic events most likely to lead to PTSD for men are military combat and witnessing a serious injury or violent death. Women, on the other hand, are most likely to be diagnosed with PTSD related to incidents of rape and sexual molestation (Kessler et al., 1995). Although it is difficult to know how common PTSD is among crime victims, some studies suggest that PTSD is a real problem for this group. The estimate for PTSD in persons who have been victimized is around 25%. Lifetime incidence of PTSD for persons who have not experienced a victimization is 9%. Depression also commonly co-occurs in victims who suffer PTSD (Kilpatrick & Acierno, 2003). Research has shown that victims of sexual assault, aggravated assault, and persons whose family members were homicide victims are more likely than other crime victims to develop PTSD (Kilpatrick & Tidwell, 1989). In support of this link, the occurrence of PTSD in rape victims has been estimated to be almost 1 in 3 (Kilpatrick, Edmunds, & Seymour, 1992). Self-Blame, Learned Helplessness, and the Brain Victims of crime may blame themselves for their victimization. One type of self-blame is characterological self-blame, which occurs when a person ascribes blame to a nonmodifiable source, such as one’s character (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). In this way, characterological self-blame involves believing that vict

imization is deserved. Another type of self-blame is behavioral self-blame, which occurs when a person ascribes blame to a modifiable source—behavior (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). When a person turns to behavioral self-blame, a future victimization can be avoided as long as behavior is changed. In addition to self-blame, others may experience learned helplessness following victimization. Learned helplessness is a response to victimization in which victims learn that responding is futile and become passive and numb (Seligman, 1975). In this way, victims may not activate to protect themselves in the face of danger and, instead, stay in risky situations that result in subsequent victimization experiences. Although learned helplessness as originally proposed by Seligman is not alone sufficient in explaining victimization, research on animals shows that exposure to inescapable aversive stimuli (such as shocks to rats’ tails) is related to behavioral changes that are likely related to fear—changes in eating and drinking, changes in sleep patterns, and not escaping future aversive stimuli when possible. These behavioral changes are linked to changes in brain chemistry, and researchers have hypothesized that these are similar to the neurochemical and behavioral changes seen in humans who suffer from major depressive disorders (Hammack, Cooper, & Lezak, 2012). In this way, then, it is possible that people who have been exposed to serious trauma and who interpret this trauma as being unavoidable may become depressed and experience behavioral changes that are then linked to future risk of victimization. Economic Costs Not only are victimologists concerned with the impact that being a crime victim has on an individual in terms of health, but they are also concerned with the economic costs incurred by both the victim and the public. In this sense, victimization is a public health issue. Economic costs can result from property losses; monies associated with medical care; time lost from work, school, and housework; pain, suffering, and reduced quality of life; and legal costs. In 2008, the NCVS estimated the total economic loss from crimes at $17.4 trillion. The NCVS also shows that the median dollar amount of loss attributed to crime was $125 (BJS, 2011). Although this number may appear to be low, it largely represents the fact that the typical property crime is a simple larceny-theft. Other research estimating the costs of specific types of victimization has estimated that the total costs of victimizations range from an average of $9,540 for a motor vehicle theft to $157,500 for a rape (in 2010 dollars) (Chalfin, 2016). 2 of 7 3/20/18, 9:46 AM https://jigsaw.vitalsource.com/api/v0/books/9781506388502/print?f… Direct Property Losses Crime victims often experience tangible losses in terms of having their property damaged or taken. Generally, when determining direct property losses, the value of property that is damaged, taken, and not recovered, and insurance claims and administration costs are considered. According to the NCVS, in 2008, 94% of property crimes resulted in economic losses (BJS, 2011). In one of the most comprehensive reports on the costs of victimization—sponsored by the National Institute of Justice—Ted Miller, Mark Cohen, and Brian Wiersema (1996) estimated the property loss or damage experienced per crime victimization event. These estimates were used by Brandon Welsh and colleagues (2008) in their article on the costs of juvenile crime in urban areas. They found that arson victimizations resulted in an estimated $15,500 per episode. Motor vehicle theft costs about $3,300 per incident. Results from the NCVS show that personal crime victimizations typically did not result in as much direct property loss. For example, only 18% of personal crime victimizations resulted in economic loss. Rape and sexual assaults typically resulted in $100 of property loss or property damage. It is rare for a victim of a violent or property offense to recover any losses. Only about 29% of victims of personal crime and 16% of victims of property crime recover all or some property (BJS, 2011). Medical Care To be sure, many victims would gladly suffer property loss if it meant they would not experience any physical injury. After all, items can be replaced and damage repaired. Physical injury may lead to victims needing medical attention, which for some may be the first step in accumulating costs associated with their victimization. Medical care costs encompass such expenses as transporting victims to the hospital, doctor care, prescription drugs, allied health services, medical devices, coroner payments, insurance claims processing fees, and premature funeral expenses (T. R. Miller, Cohen, & Wiersema, 1996). Results from the NCVS indicate that in 2008, 542,280 violent crime victims received some type of medical care. Of those victims who received medical care, slightly more than one-third received care in the hospital emergency room or at an emergency clinic and 9% went to the hospital. Receiving medical care often results in victims incurring medical expenses. Almost 6% of victims of violence reported having medical expenses as a result of being victimized. About 63% of injured victims had health insurance or were eligible for public medical services (BJS, 2011). Costs vary across types of victimization. For example, the annual cost of hospitalizations for victims of child abuse is estimated to be $6.2 billion (Prevent Child Abuse America, 2000). Medical treatment for battered women is estimated to cost $1.8 billion annually (Wisner, Gilmer, Saltman, & Zink, 1999). Per-criminal-victimization medical care costs also have been estimated. Assaults in which there were injuries cost $1,470 per incident. Drunk-driving victims who were injured incurred $6,400 in medical care costs per incident (T. R. Miller et al., 1996). Gun violence is associated with substantial medical costs for victims. Although most crime victims do not require hospitalization, even if they are treated in the emergency room, a report on gun violence published by the Office for Victims of Crime showed that gunshot victims make up one-third of those who require hospitalization (as cited in Bonderman, 2001). Persons who are shot and admitted to the hospital are likely to face numerous rehospitalizations and incur medical costs throughout their lifetimes. In this same report, it was shown that in 1994, the lifetime medical costs for all victims of firearm injuries totaled $1.7 billion. Spinal cord injuries are particularly expensive, with average expenses for first-year medical costs alone totaling more than $217,000. The average cost per victim of violence-related spinal cord injury is more than $600,000 (as cited in Bonderman, 2001). Photo 3.1 The victim of a gunshot receives CPR in the emergency room. © iStockphoto.com/vm Mental Health Care Costs When victims seek mental health care, this also adds to their total cost. It is estimated that between 10% and 20% of total mental health care costs in the United States are related to crime (T. R. Miller et al., 1996). Most of this cost is a result of crime victims seeking treatment to deal with the effects of their victimization. Between one-quarter and one-half of rape and child sexual abuse victims receive mental health care. As a result, sexual victimizations, of both adults and children, result in some of the largest mental health care costs for victims. The average mental health care cost per rape and sexual assault is $2,200, and the average for child abuse is $5,800. Victims of arson who are injured incur about $10,000 of mental health care expenditures per victimization. Secondary victimization, which is discussed in detail in a later section, is also associated with mental health care costs. The average murder results in between 1.5 and 2.5 people receiving mental health counseling (T. R. Miller et al., 1996). Losses in Productivity Persons who are victimized may experience an inability to work at their place of employment, complete housework, or attend school. Not being able to do these things contributes to the total lost productivity that crime victims experience. In 2008, about 7% of persons in the NCVS who said they were violently victimized lost some time from work. About the same percentage of victims of property offenses lost time from work. Some victims are more prone to miss work than others. For example, almost one-tenth of burglary victimizations cause victims to miss at least one day of work. Data from the NCVS show that 9% of robbery victimizations resulted in victims missing more than 10 days of work (BJS, 2011), whereas victims of intimate partner violence lost almost 8 million paid days of work annually (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2003). Employers also bear some costs when their employees are victimized; victimized employees may be less productive, their employers may incur costs associated with hiring replacements, and employers may experience costs dealing with the emotional responses of their employees. Parents also may suffer costs when their children are victimized and they are unable to meet all their job responsibilities as a result of doing things such as taking the child to the doctor or staying home with the child (T. R. Miller et al., 1996). Pain, Suffering, and Lost Quality of Life The most difficult cost to quantify is the pain, suffering, and loss of quality of life that crime victims experience. When these elements are added to the costs associated with medical care, lost earnings, and programs associated with victim assistance, the cost to crime victims increases 4 times. In other words, this is the largest cost that crime victims sustain. For example, one study estimated the cost of out-of-pocket expenses to victims of rape to be slightly less than $5,100. The crime of rape, however, on average, costs $87,000 when its impact on quality of life is considered (T. R. Miller et al., 1996). Another cost that crime victims may experience is a change in their routines and lifestyles. Many victims report that after being victimized, they changed their behavior. For example, victims of stalking may change their phone numbers, move, or change their normal routines. Others may stop going out alone or start carrying a weapon when they do so. Although these changes may reduce risk of being victimized again, for victims to bear the cost of crime seems somewhat unfair. Did Polly sustain any of these costs? System Costs The victim is not the only entity impacted economically by crime. The United States spends an incredible amount of money on criminal justice. When including system costs for law enforcement, the courts, and corrections, the direct expenditures of the criminal justice system are more than $214 billion annually (BJS, 2006b). The criminal justice system employs more than 2.4 million persons, whose collective pay tops $9 billion. Obviously, crime is big business in the United States! Insurance companies pay about $45 billion annually due to crime. The federal government also pays $8 billion annually for restorative and emergency services for crime victims. There are other costs society must absorb as a result of crime. For example, it costs Americans when individuals who are not insured or are on public assistance are victimized and receive medical care. The U.S. government covers about one-fourth of health insurance payouts to crime victims. Gunshot victims alone cost taxpayers more than $4.5 billion dollars annually (Headden, 1996). These costs are not distributed equally across society. Some communities have been hit especially hard by violence—gun violence in particular. Some 96% of hospital expenses associated with gun violence at King/Drew Medical Center in Los Angeles are paid with public funds (as cited in Bonderman, 2001). We discuss in Chapter 5 just how these costs are paid and who pays them. Vicarious Victimization It is not only the victim and the system that are saddled with costs. The effects that victimization has on those close to the victim are also critical in understanding the total impact of crime. So far, we have discussed how a victim may need medical care, may seek mental health counseling, may lose time from work, and may have a less full life after being victimized. But what happens to those who love and care about these victims? Does witnessing a loved one go through victimization also exact a price? The effects that victimization has on others are collectively known as vicarious victimization. Vicarious victimization has been most widely studied in regard to homicide survivors—people whose loved ones have been murdered—given the profound effect that homicide has on family members, even when compared with nonhomicide deaths. Homicide deaths are almost exclusively sudden and violent. Surviving family members often experience guilt about not being able to prevent the death. The involvement of the criminal justice system also adds an element to the response family members have, and there is often a feeling that others view the death as at least partly the victim’s fault. The studies on homicide survivors have largely found that they experience many of the same post-trauma symptoms that crime victims themselves experience. One study found that almost one-quarter of homicide-surviving family members developed PTSD after the murder of their family member (as cited in Kilpatrick, Amick, & Resnick, 1990). The disorder and PTSD symptomology are often not transient, with homicide survivors exhibiting PTSD symptoms for up to 5 years 3 of 7 3/20/18, 9:46 AM https://jigsaw.vitalsource.com/api/v0/books/9781506388502/print?f… following the murder (Redmond, 1989). Being a homicide survivor also may be related to greater PTSD symptoms than being a victim of a crime such as rape (Amick-McMullan, Kilpatrick, & Veronen, 1989). Also interesting, homicide survivors experience higher levels of PTSD than do family members who lose a loved one through means other than homicide, such as accidentally (Applebaum & Burns, 1991). PTSD is not the only psychological response that homicide survivors show. They also have higher levels of distress, depression, anxiety, and hostility than persons who have not experienced trauma (Thompson, Kaslow, Price, Williams, & Kingree, 1998). Photo 3.2 Support groups for family members of murdered people can help with the trauma. © iStockphoto.com/Alina555. In addition to psychological responses, homicide survivors may exhibit behavioral consequences. Parents whose children die via homicide are more likely to exhibit suicidal ideation than parents whose children commit suicide or die accidentally (Murphy, Tapper, Johnson, & Lohan, 2003). Other homicide survivors may exhibit lifestyle changes by avoiding places and activities—either because they are fearful or anxious or because they no longer feel able to participate in activities that are reminiscent of times spent with their now-deceased loved one. Homicide survivors also evince feelings of vulnerability, loss of control, loss of meaning, and self-blame. As you can now be certain, criminal victimization has wide-reaching effects on the victim, the system, and others. Another form of vicarious victimization occurs when a person is traumatized by the coverage violent acts receive through media or other outlets that provide information. This type of vicarious victimization is likely to occur when seven factors are present: (1) realistic threat of death to all members of the community, (2) extraordinary carnage, (3) strong community affiliation, (4) witnessing of event by community members, (5) symbolic significance of victims to community, (6) need for rescue workers, and (7) significant media attention (M. A. Young, 1989). Given these factors, traumatic events that do not directly affect a person or a person’s loved ones may also cause harm such as PTSD. Events such as the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, are prime examples of traumas that can produce lasting, harmful consequences to people exposed to them. Other events, such as a serial killer operating in a community, may also be a form of vicarious victimization that can produce PTSD in community members (Herkov & Biernat, 1997). You will read more about homicide victims in Chapter 6. Reporting All